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Binda Pandey: The uncompromising confident leader

In the third week of Poush 2081, the eighth central committee meeting of the CPN-UML appeared different from its previous meetings. Some differences were publicly visible, while others were only sensed by the attendees. One notable distinction was that the meeting did not conclude within the scheduled timeframe. Initially planned for two days (Poush 21–22), it extended by an additional day.

Under KP Sharma Oli’s leadership, UML meetings had traditionally concluded on time. However, due to an increased number of speakers, this meeting did not. A total of 152 members spoke in Oli’s presence, marking the second notable difference—Oli attentively listening to all speakers. The third and most significant difference was that some participants openly criticized party decisions right in front of Oli.

Certain UML leaders have cited this scenario to counter the claim that internal dissent is stifled within the party. However, the different approach in this meeting was not solely a result of the leadership’s discretion but also an attempt to weaken public criticisms raised against the leadership.

One of the key figures who compelled Prime Minister Oli to reconsider his recent tendencies, at least to some extent, was Binda Pandey.

Opposition to party headquarters donation

On Asoj 25, 2081, businessperson Min Bahadur Gurung, along with Oli and his wife, laid the foundation stone for the UML headquarters in Kirtipur-2, Maitrinagar. Gurung had agreed to donate 10 ropanis and 14 annas of land, valued at approximately one billion rupees, to the party.

However, Binda Pandey publicly opposed the decision on social media. She was joined by two other leaders, Bhim Rawal and Ushakiran Timilsina. The party sought clarifications from all three on Kartik 6, giving them a one-week deadline. While Rawal did not respond, Pandey and Timilsina submitted their clarifications on Kartik 12.

Coincidentally, on the same day, the Supreme Court issued an interim order halting the donation process. As a result, the clarification process was also put on hold. However, on Poush 1, the Supreme Court revoked its order, clearing the way for the donation.

Following this, the UML proceeded with disciplinary action against the three dissenting leaders. In the Secretariat meeting on Poush 10, former vice-chairman Rawal was expelled from the party, while Standing Committee member Pandey and Central Committee member Timilsina were suspended for six months.

Party leaders publicly stated that Pandey and Timilsina were suspended because they had not shown any remorse. Meanwhile, both suspended leaders maintained their stance, refusing to retract their opposition.

Pandey’s stand against the decision

Pandey strongly argues that UML should not operate from a headquarters built on donations from a businessperson facing legal issues. Immediately after the party’s decision, she wrote on social media: “This is a step that humiliates 550,000 proud party members and insults 2.8 million voters.”

She further contends that overturning this decision would benefit Min Gurung as well, as he would avoid allegations of political entanglement regardless of the legal case’s outcome.

According to Pandey, the decision should be reversed to uphold constitutional principles, respect party history and ideology, and protect UML’s legacy built by leaders like Manmohan Adhikari and Madan Bhandari. She has pinned this stance on her profile, emphasising its significance.

She warns that relying on donations from capitalists will shift UML’s class allegiance. “If we start running the party with large sums from capitalists, our actions will align with their interests,” she states. “A party’s stance is influenced by those it accepts support from.”

On the contrary, she believes that running the party through small contributions from labourers, marginalised groups, and the oppressed would reflect their interests in the party’s direction. “Can we, while working from a building donated by Min Gurung, raise concerns about laborers at Bhatbhateni Supermarket not receiving their rightful wages?” she questions.

Despite her arguments, UML has dismissed her concerns, reinforcing claims that internal democracy within the party is weakening, the leadership is becoming more autocratic, and accountability is lacking. In response, Oli extended the central committee meeting to listen to dissenting voices.

However, he remains firm in his decision to run the party from the donated building. What this means for UML’s future remains to be seen, but the episode has certainly impacted Binda Pandey’s 44-year-long association with the party.

A longstanding political journey

The UML did not entirely close the door on Pandey’s continued association. Had she acknowledged her opposition as a mistake in her clarification, she might have avoided suspension. But she refused to alter her stance to evade disciplinary action.

At 58, Pandey’s firm stance does not come as a surprise to those familiar with her political background. “I was advised not to engage in anti-Panchayat politics and was told not to participate in the 2046 BS People’s Movement,” she recalls. “But I did not listen. I played my role in bringing down the Panchayat system.”

During the movement against the Panchayat regime, Pandey played a crucial role in communication and coordination. With limited telephone access and strict surveillance, she managed to facilitate communication between movement leaders, injured protestors, and medical personnel while outwitting the authorities.

Her activism dates back to her teenage years. In 2038 BS, at just 14, she served as the treasurer of the ANNFSU (Fifth) in Nuwakot. Influenced by her brother Mahendra, she became even more active in politics after moving to Kathmandu. By 2040 BS, she was engaged in mobilizing women’s committees under the ANNFSU.

Over the years, she rose through the ranks, holding key positions in ANNFSU, ANWA, and later in UML’s professional organisations. She played a crucial role in establishing the one-third women’s representation agenda within UML, which was later adopted at the party’s seventh national convention in Janakpur.

In 2060 BS, UML formed a Women’s Department, where Pandey served as secretary. This department formulated an eight-point gender agenda, which was later integrated into national policies.

Her contributions extended to constitution-making as well. As a member of the first Constituent Assembly in 2064 BS, she chaired the Committee on Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles, shaping crucial constitutional provisions.

A leader who refuses to compromise

Beyond party roles, Pandey’s defining characteristic is her unwavering commitment to her agendas. Whether against political oppression, for social justice, or against internal party policies, she has consistently voiced her stance.

The constitutional provisions on equality today bear her influence. Although the first Constituent Assembly failed to promulgate a constitution, the second Assembly built upon its work, making her contributions significant.

With a PhD from Kathmandu University, Pandey is a recognised intellectual. She is also an active writer and advocate, having authored books like Women in Nepali Politics, Steps Toward Equality, and The Fight for Rights Over the Land.

She is currently preparing for her next book, titled Saving Leaders, Building a Party: The Stories of Grassroots People, highlighting the contributions of ordinary members in political movements.

Even after her suspension, Pandey does not see herself as weak. Her political career has been built on competition and conviction, and she remains resolute in her beliefs.

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Rai is a special political correspondent at Onlinekhabar.

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